News Extra
Rwanda Act: UK went against Nov 2023 Supreme Court judgement
Right to Remain, an organization that fights against injustice of asylum/immigration system in the UK has accused the United government of going against the November 2023 judgement barred it from deporting asylum seekers to Rwanda.
According to Right to remain the Supreme Court
unequivocally decided that Rwanda is not a safe third country.
Writing under the heading ‘What we know about the Rwanda Act and Treaty so far’, Right to Remain said:
“On Friday 25 April, the government’s Safety of Rwanda (Asylum and Immigration) Act 2024 received Royal Assent and became law. At the same time, the UK’s Treaty (agreement) with Rwanda was ratified. This means that the treaty has become legally binding upon the UK and Rwanda.”
This, it said is a dark moment for the UK, and will cause much harm to many communities.
“The passing of the Act means that the UK government has gone directly against the judgment of the Supreme Court in November 2023 which unequivocally decided that Rwanda is not a safe third country. This means that the Court found that Rwanda is not a safe country to remove someone to because there is no guarantee that Rwanda would be a safe place for them, or that it would refrain from sending them to their country of origin where they could be at risk of danger). For this reason, it was decided that the UK government could not legally continue to pursue the initiative to remove people claiming asylum in the UK to Rwanda. You can read more about the Supreme Court’s decision here.
“In order to get around this decision – and, unusually for the political setup in the UK, which separates power between the government, the Parliament, and the courts so that no one institution becomes too powerful and threatens democracy – the UK government then introduced the Safety of Rwanda Bill (now Act) in December 2023.”
In trying to get around every legal and political action that has stopped flights to Rwanda so far, Right to Remain said the Act attempts to effectively shield Rwanda from any criticism or appeal. It strips legal and political bodies of the right to criticise individual decisions or the Act/Treaty at large.
The Act: States that every decision-maker (this means Home Office immigration officers and judges in courts) must treat Rwanda as a safe country.
Disapplies the provisions of the Human Rights Act
Limits the ability of the European Court of Human Rights to implement interim measures (for example, to stop a flight)
Prevents all courts/tribunals from considering any appeals, claims, or complaints (from individuals who have been sent Rwanda removal directions) that are about:
Rwanda not being a safe country (unless this relates to the specific individual and their circumstances), or
Rwanda potentially removing a person to another State against its international legal obligations, or
The risk that Rwanda will not consider an asylum/immigration claim fairly or properly, or
The risk that Rwanda will not Act in accordance with the Rwanda Treaty.
The Act was pushed through Parliament very, very quickly and became law on 25 April 2024. You can read the full Act here.”
Continuing, it said: “The ratification of the Treaty is also very controversial. The House of Lords (the unelected chamber of the UK Parliament) voted in January to defeat the government’s ratification of the Treaty because the protections promised in the Treaty (which would supposedly make Rwanda a safe third country) have not yet been put into place. The Treaty has therefore been ratified without the safeguards that are meant to provide alleged assurances of safety.
“The Treaty also seeks to set up ‘mechanisms’ to make the relocation of people who have claimed asylum in the UK to Rwanda happen. This includes effectively setting up an entirely separate judicial system dedicated specifically to Rwanda decisions. This is unusual and highly unlikely to be practical, given that the judiciary in the UK (and particularly the immigration/asylum system) is under extreme pressure and arguably at crisis point. You can read the full Treaty here.”
It added that this means that the Act has passed against the judgment of the Supreme Court, and the Treaty has been ratified without full approval from Parliament (without safeguards in place).
What does this mean in reality? Who is at risk of receiving Rwanda removal directions?
This is devastating for the migrant community in the UK: even if no one ever ends up on a flight to Rwanda, the fear, misinformation, and grief surrounding this initiative is huge.
The passing of the Act and ratification of the Treaty means that people who fulfil the requirements of removal to Rwanda have already and will continue to receive notices of removal from the Home Office. There will also be an increase in the number of people who are at risk of, and end up in, pre-removal detention in the UK.
You may be at risk of detention/removal to Rwanda if:
If you received a decision under the inadmissibility rules (this comes after a notice of intent letter)
If you received a removal decision
If you received removal directions which specifically mentions Rwanda
You can read more about the Inadmissibility Rules in our Toolkit page here.
Generally, an asylum claim in the UK may be found to be inadmissible if the person who claims asylum has or had a connection to another safe third country. For example, if they stayed in another European country on their way to the UK, or received refugee status in another country. Confusingly, under the Illegal Migration Act 2023, anyone who arrived in the UK after 20 July 2023 falls into this category. You can read more about the Illegal Migration Act in our Legal Update here.
The Home Office guidance on inadmissibility says that, a person who is otherwise suitable for inadmissibility action may be eligible for removal to Rwanda if:
you claimed asylum on or after 1 January 2022, and
your journey to the UK can be described as having been dangerous
you do not have families with children under the age of 18 may (although families with children may be considered for inadmissibility action where removal is to other countries).
As devastating as the Rwanda initiative and the government’s determination to pursue it is, it is important to bear in mind the following facts:
When thinking about removal, it is important to note that section 2 of the Illegal Migration Act, amongst many other sections – upon which the rest of the Act depends – has not yet been enforced. This means that, although the Illegal Migration Act is a law that has been passed, it has not been implemented in real life. Read more about this here.
In order for someone to be sent to Rwanda under the Act or Treaty, they must first endure a period of detention. The risk of being sent to Rwanda applies to hundreds of thousands of people in the UK. Detention centres in the UK are already almost at capacity. It is not practically possible to detain everyone who is at risk of removal to Rwanda.
Rwanda has allegedly only agreed to receive approximately 2,000 people who have claimed asylum in the UK this year. Although we believe that no one should be sent to Rwanda from the UK, this shows how small scale the plan really is, and how much of it is a tactic used to isolate and terrify people claiming asylum in the UK.
Since January 2021 when the Inadmissibility Rules were initially introduced, over 77,000 people have received notices of inadmissibility (a notice from the Home Office that they are considering whether a person falls under the rules). Of that group, 84 have received a decision of inadmissibility (a decision that the person does indeed fall under the rules). In total, 25 people have been removed from the UK under the inadmissibility rules, and most of them are EU or EEA citizens because people from those countries are not allowed to claim asylum in the UK.
The Prime Minister has said that flights are to take place within the next 10-12 weeks (around June/July). There is no indication of how this will happen or who the flight carrier (if there is one) will be.
On specific appeals against specific individuals being sent to Rwanda, the Prime Minister has said that 25 courtrooms and hundreds of judges would be made available to preside over hearings. However, representatives of the judiciary have made clear that the deployment of judges is a matter for the judiciary, not the government.
How can a Rwanda removal notice be disputed?
There is one restricted instance in which removal to Rwanda under the Act can be disputed or appealed. The Act says that when a court is considering a review or appeal of a decision to remove a person to Rwanda, the court may grant an interim remedy (to prevent or delay) removal to Rwanda only if the court is satisfied that the person would face a real, imminent and foreseeable risk of serious and irreversible harm if removed to the Rwanda.
This is a very stringent threshold to reach, and must be specific to the person. You (or your lawyer) must show why you specifically would face a real, imminent (that means immediate), and foreseeable risk of serious and irreversible harm if you were removed to Rwanda. It is not enough to say that Rwanda is a generally dangerous place where many people would face this kind of harm or risk.
Duncan Lewis Solicitors’ Public Team is preparing to represent people who have been detained with and need to dispute Rwanda removal directions. They have sent workflow instructions to detention organisations, so please get in touch with them should you require representation or if you are supporting someone in detention.
News Extra
Nigeria leads Liberia, Ghana, others as US set to deport migrants
Nigerian has the highest number of West African migrants set to be repatriated from the US.
The United States Department of Homeland Security (DHS) confirmed the removal of 110 Nigerians as part of a wider crackdown that will see 355 nationals from the sub-region returned home.
The DHS yesterday published names and photographs of all 355 individuals listed for deportation under its “WOW” West Africa Operations Watch initiative, reports The Guardian.
Nigeria accounts for 110 of those listed, second only to Liberia with 94, and far ahead of Ghana’s 30 and Senegal’s 19.
The list also includes 15 Cameroonians, 14 Gambians, 14 Ivorians, 12 Mauritanians, 11 Cape Verdeans, nine Burkinabes, eight Nigeriens, six Guineans, six Togolese, five Malians, and 1 each from Benin and Guinea-Bissau.
News Extra
Diaspora remittances point to untapped potential in crisis response: New IOM report
As diaspora remittances now outpace both official development assistance and foreign direct investment combined, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) today published a new paper showing how stronger engagement with diaspora communities can enhance humanitarian response and support recovery efforts worldwide.
The paper highlights how diaspora communities mobilize resources rapidly, reach affected populations through trusted networks, and deliver locally informed, culturally attuned solutions, yet remain only partially integrated into formal humanitarian systems.
“Diaspora communities are some of the most agile and trusted partners in crisis response,” said Ugochi Daniels, IOM Deputy Director General for Operations. “This paper shows how we can move beyond spontaneous solidarity to real, structured partnerships that strengthen local responses before, during and after crises. By connecting diaspora communities with humanitarian efforts, IOM helps ensure support gets to people quickly, effectively and with trust.”
Drawing on case studies from Haiti, Lebanon, the Philippines, Somalia and Ukraine, the report documents concrete results: the Ukrainian diaspora raised USD 283 million in the first year of the conflict, while over 100 diaspora organizations mobilized within days of Haiti’s 2021 earthquake.
These examples reflect a broader trend: in 2024, diaspora remittances to low- and middle-income countries reached an estimated USD 700 billion, surpassing official development assistance and foreign direct investment combined.
The report shows how structured diaspora engagement has supported preparedness, enabled lifesaving response and accelerated recovery through early warning systems, safer shelter and health services, innovative financing mechanisms and community-led recovery efforts.
The paper also outlines practical priorities for donors and partners, including flexible funding mechanisms, digital coordination tools, strengthened data partnerships, and tailored capacity-building support. It contributes to IOM’s broader efforts and informs a forthcoming IOM Diaspora Strategy that positions diaspora engagement as a core pillar across the Organization’s work.
News Extra
West and Central Africa urges more climate funding as displacement rises
Leaders across West and Central Africa are calling for more funding to help communities deal with climate change as floods, droughts and environmental degradation force more people to leave their homes, reshaping migration patterns and displacement across the region.
“Climate change is already affecting where and how people live. The challenge now is moving fast enough to deliver practical solutions and funding to vulnerable communities,” said Sylvia Ekra, IOM Regional Director for West and Central Africa. “Our region has shown leadership by including migration in climate policies. Now we must ensure climate funding reaches the communities most affected, so migration is a safe and informed choice – not a last resort.”
At a regional conference in Lagos, Nigeria, on 12–13 May, governments and partners developed a roadmap outlining practical ways to protect livelihoods and help communities adapt to climate impacts.
Climate shocks are already altering where and how people live across West and Central Africa. Floods, droughts and storms are damaging homes, roads and essential services across the region. By the end of 2024, about 2 million people in West and Central Africa had been displaced by disasters – around one fifth of the global total.
Environmental damage, desertification, and rising sea levels are also increasing pressure on communities and cities. The World Bank estimates that by 2050, up to 32 million people in the region could be forced to move within their own countries because of climate change.
The conference also highlighted growing action across the region. Most countries that recently updated their national climate plans now include migration and displacement issues. Côte d’Ivoire and Mauritania also joined the Kampala Ministerial Declaration on Migration, Environment and Climate Change, bringing the number of supporting African countries to 33.
“Climate-related human mobility is no longer a peripheral issue; it is an adaptation and resilience priority that must be negotiated, planned and financed accordingly,” said Nana Dr. Antwi‑Boasiako Amoah, Chair of the African Group of Negotiators. “The next step is to match that policy progress with credible data and accessible finance; so governments and partners can invest in solutions that reduce risk, protect livelihoods and expand safe options for people on the frontlines.”
Participants called for stronger early warning systems, more support for local adaptation efforts and better access to climate funding for affected communities, as part of a series of recommendations ahead of major global climate negotiations, including the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and COP31, which will take place in Türkiye later this year.
The Lagos Conference was co-hosted by the Government of Nigeria with support from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark through the Climate Change and Migration Data (CCMD) Programme.
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