Features
Lampedusa, 12 years after the October 3 shipwreck (2013-2025)
Today, twelve years after the horrible shipwreck off the coast of Lampedusa, we publish a text written by Father Mussie Zerai, one of the key inspirations behind the Alarm Phone project. Back then, in 2013, when we wondered whether and how to launch our activist hotline, we asked Father Zerai for advice. At that time, the Eritrean-Italian priest had been contacted by people in distress in the central Mediterranean for years already, in particular by people from East Africa. In Libya, his phone number was written on the walls of detention camps and passed on – from the prison to the sea. When called from the boats, Father Zerai would gather crucial information and then pressurize Italian authorities to rescue. When we told him about the idea of the hotline project, and our ambition to collectivize his work, he said: “start today, not tomorrow”. In this text, Father Zerai reflects on the October 3 shipwreck and what has followed since. He reminds us that remembering horrible shipwrecks like the one twelve years ago is not an empty gesture but a call for action and radical change.
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Twelve years ago, 368 young lives were lost just a few hundred meters from the beaches of Lampedusa, just as freedom and a better future seemed within reach.
The twelfth anniversary of this tragedy comes at a time when the political climate and practices in place are erecting yet another barrier of death for thousands of refugees and migrants like the young people who were swept away on that grey dawn of October 3, 2013. We do not know whether representatives of this government, or of the majority parties in power, or more generally whether other political figures from recent years intend to promote or even participate in the ceremonies and events commemorating the shipwreck. But if it is true – and, indeed, it is – that the best way to honour the dead is to save the living and respect their freedom and dignity, then it would make no sense to share the moments of reflection and remembrance that October 3rd calls for with those who have been building walls and destroying bridges over the years, ignoring the cry for help that rises from the entire Global South. If they too wish to “remember Lampedusa”, let them do it alone. Let them remain alone. Because over the past ten years, they have overturned, destroyed, and distorted the great outpouring of solidarity and human compassion that this massacre aroused in the conscience of millions of people around the world.
What remains, in fact, of the “spirit” and commitments of that time? Nothing. We have regressed to an even worse cynicism and indifference than that of the period that preceded that terrible October 3. Despite investigations by the judiciary, it is still unclear how it was possible for 368 people to die just 800 meters from Lampedusa and less than two kilometers from a port full of fast, well-equipped military vessels capable of reaching the scene in a matter of minutes.
The scale of the tragedy, with the enormous toll of 368 lives lost, drew attention to two points in particular: the humanitarian catastrophe of millions of refugees seeking safety across the Mediterranean; and the plight of Eritrea, since all those who died were Eritrean.
The first “point” was addressed with Mare Nostrum: the Italian Navy was given the mandate to patrol the Mediterranean up to Libyan territorial waters to assist migrant boats in distress and prevent further tragedies such as that of Lampedusa. That operation was a source of pride for our Navy, with thousands of lives saved. Five years later, not only is there nothing left of this operation, but it almost seems that most politicians consider it a waste or even a form of aid to traffickers. Exactly twelve months later, in November 2014, Mare Nostrum was “cancelled”, thereby multiplying—just as the Navy had predicted— the shipwrecks and victims. The tragedy of April 15, 2015, claiming approximately 800 victims, the highest death toll ever recorded in the Mediterranean in a shipwreck, occurred in its wake. Instead of that rescue operation, rules and restrictions were gradually introduced that even the escalation in the number of victims failed to halt. These led to the increased externalisation of the borders of Fortress European ever more south, to countries in the Middle East and Africa, through a series of international treaties aimed at blocking refugees in the middle of the Sahara, “far from the spotlight,” before they can reach the southern shores of the Mediterranean. This is what treaties such as the Khartoum Process (a carbon copy of the previous Rabat Process), the Malta agreements, the treaty with Turkey, the refoulement pact with Sudan, the blackmailing of Afghanistan (forced to “take back” 80,000 refugees), the Memorandum signed with Libya in February 2017, and the latest measures taken by this government. Not to mention the criminalization of NGOs, which are responsible for rescuing around 40 percent of the thousands of lives saved, but which have been forced to suspend their activities. Today we are witnessing rescue ships being forced to sail long distances in search of assigned ports to disembark, far from the places where they operate and where they are needed. The duty of dismemberment in the closest and safest port provided for by international maritime law is now being ignored. Massacres have kept taking place over the last twelve years as if nothing has happened: cynicism has replaced humanitarianism.
As for the second “point”, with regards to Eritrean refugees solidarity has given way to derision or even contempt, to the point that authority figures in the current ruling majority have called them “vacation refugees” or “migrants seeking the good life,” in order to deny the reality of the dictatorship in Asmara. This process began immediately in the aftermath of the tragedy, when at the funeral ceremony for the victims of the October 3 shipwreck in Agrigento the government invited the Eritrean ambassador to Rome, the man who in Italy represents and is the voice of the very regime that forced those 368 young people to flee their country. It could have been seen as a blunder. Instead, it proved to be the beginning of a process of gradual rapprochement and re-evaluation of Isaias Afewerki, the dictator who enslaved his people, bringing him out of international isolation, associating him with the Khartoum Process and other agreements, sending him hundreds of millions of euros in funding, and effectively electing him as an anti-immigration policeman on behalf of Italy and Europe. This continued up until the recent documentary “La grande Bugia – Eritrea andata e ritorno” (The Big Lie – Eritrea Round Trip) aired on RAI.
The bitter taste of betrayal therefore lingers on twelve years after the tragedy of October 3, 2013, both with regards to the situation of migrants more generally and to that of Eritrea.
- Betrayed were the memory and respect for the 368 young victims and all their families and friends – the case of Libyan General Al Masri is a clear act that has trampled on the memory and dignity of all migrants and refugees.
- Betrayed were the thousands of young people who are denouncing, by fleeing, the ferocious, terrible reality of the regime in Asmara, which remains a dictatorship even after the signing of the peace agreement with Ethiopia for the very long border war that began in 1998. The recent documentary broadcast by RAI3, “La grande Bugia – Eritrea andata e ritorno” (The Big Lie – Eritrea Round Trip), attempts to denigrate and downplay the plight of Eritrean refugees and rehabilitate the ruling regime, thus serving the anti-immigration and isolationist policies currently in place in Italy and Europe. We are saddened that RAI3 has lent itself to this terrible act, which conveys a deeply distorted and misleading message about the reality in Eritrea and the flight of young people from the country.
- Betrayed was the cry of pain rising from Africa and the Middle East towards Italy and Europe from an entire population of migrants and refugees forced to abandon their homelands. Their flight often stems from situations created by the politics and economic and geostrategic interests of those very countries in the Global North that are now raising barriers. Betrayed, this cry of pain, at the very moment when one pretends not to see an obvious reality, that is:
“…leave home only / when home no longer lets you stay / No one leaves home unless home kicks you out / fire under your feet / hot blood in your belly / something you never thought you would do / until the scythe marked your neck with threats…” (from Home, monologue by Giuseppe Cederna.)
Wherever people want to remember the tragedy of Lampedusa these days, on the island itself or anywhere else, it will be meaningless unless they want to turn this sad anniversary into a starting point for radically changing the policy pursued over the last twelve years towards migrants and refugees. The “lowliest of the low”. Always remember that the rights of the weakest are not weak rights!
Don Mosè Zerai
Features
Rights group reports rise in abuses, hate speech against migrants in Libya
A Libyan human rights organization has raised alarm over what it describes as a sharp increase in violations against migrants, refugees, asylum seekers, and foreign workers across Libya since the beginning of June 2026.
In a statement released this week, Libya Crimes Watch (LCW) said it has documented widespread arrests, raids on migrant residences, forced evictions, and physical and verbal assaults in both eastern and western parts of the country. The group also reported a surge in hate speech and incitement to violence targeting migrant communities.
According to LCW, its field teams have monitored large-scale arrest campaigns in several cities, including Tripoli, Benghazi, Ajdabiya, and Al-Bayda. Those detained reportedly include women and children. The organization said it has also documented incidents in which migrants were forcibly removed from their homes and subjected to abuse, including individuals with existing health conditions.
LCW alleged that the operations are being carried out by security agencies and armed groups affiliated with authorities in both eastern and western Libya. The group named the Libyan Arab Armed Forces (LAAF), the Directorate for Combatting Illegal Migration (DCIM), and the General Directorate of Security Operations (GDSO), among others, as entities involved in the campaigns.
The organization further expressed concern over what it described as the involvement of civilians in some raids and assaults. It also cited widespread anti-migrant rhetoric on social media and in local media outlets, including platforms it said are aligned with authorities and official institutions. According to LCW, such messaging has contributed to increased hostility toward migrants and encouraged participation in actions targeting them.
One Sudanese migrant, identified by the pseudonym “Inas” for security reasons, recounted an alleged attack on her family. She told LCW that armed men entered their home, assaulted family members, used racist language, and forced them from the property before stealing their belongings.
“We are now on the street with nowhere to go,” she said, according to the statement. “We have a sick family member who needs care, and we have found no organization to help or protect us.”
LCW said Libyan authorities in both the east and west bear legal responsibility for protecting migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers and ensuring respect for their rights under international human rights law. The organization called for an immediate end to abuses, protection against violence and forced evictions, and a halt to deportations or forced returns that could expose individuals to persecution or other harm.
The group also urged the Office of the Libyan Attorney General to stop detaining people solely on the basis of their migration or asylum status and to investigate all reported violations. LCW called for those responsible for abuses, including individuals who ordered, participated in, or facilitated them, to be held accountable through fair and independent legal proceedings.
In addition, the organization appealed to international bodies, including the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL), the International Organization for Migration (IOM), and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), to take urgent measures to protect migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers at risk in Libya.
The allegations have not been independently verified, and Libyan authorities had not publicly responded to the claims at the time of the statement’s release.
Features
Neglect deepens as DRC appears on NRC’s list of top neglected displacement for 10 years
The Democratic Republic of Congo has appeared on the Norwegian Refugee Council’s (NRC) annual list of top neglected displacement crises, for the tenth year running, and the neglect is deepening.
“This is a testament to the world’s failure to respond to crises that are not regarded as strategically important for rich countries,” said NRC’s Secretary General Jan Egeland. “Millions of people are being abandoned because we have chosen not to act, not because we cannot. The uncomfortable truth is that this neglect is a choice, and something we can choose to end.”
In 2025, just 27.4 per cent of the funding required to respond to the crisis in DR Congo was provided, the lowest rate in 10 years, leaving over 21 million people in need with no or drastically reduced assistance. A decade ago, the international community was providing 55 US dollars per person in need in DR Congo. Today that figure has collapsed to under 33 US dollars.
Countries such as Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Mali and Nigeria have all featured on the list six or more times, pointing to a systemic pattern of deliberate neglect rather than isolated failure.
“Donor governments have been presented with evidence of neglect, year after year. Yet those in power still choose to prioritise military and strategic investments and underfund, deprioritise and sideline the victims of these crises. It is a failure of our humanity,” said Egeland.
The report is the tenth edition of NRC’s Neglected Displacement Crises Report, tracking how responses continue to fall short of the scale of suffering.
Sudan tops the list
The 10 most neglected crises for 2025 are Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Colombia, Yemen, Afghanistan, Honduras, Ecuador, Cameroon, Nigeria and Mozambique, spanning three continents and tens of millions of people the world continues to ignore.
The Neglected Displacement Crises Report assesses each crisis across four indicators: media coverage, funding, political attention, and scale of displacement. A lower score indicates a larger gap between the scale of human suffering and the adequacy of international response.
Sudan tops this year’s list. More than 9 million people are internally displaced, and up to 4 million have fled to neighbouring countries. Nearly 19.5 million people inside Sudan are facing hunger, yet the international response remains wholly inadequate to that scale of suffering.
“It is incomprehensible that a displacement crisis of similar proportions to the crises in Syria and Ukraine at their peak can continue to worsen almost unnoticed,” Egeland said. “Just as needs in Sudan skyrocketed last year and famine kept spreading, the funding was cut. Many displaced people receive no international support and are left to beg for assistance from other displaced people who no longer have anything more to share.”
A decade of the same pattern
Since NRC began publishing this report 10 years ago, 27 crises across four continents have appeared on the list, and the pattern is unambiguous. The African continent features the most consistently. From the Sahel region to the Horn of Africa, from the Great Lakes to West Africa, many of these are cases of prolonged or repeated displacement. Across the board, neglect coincides with access restrictions for humanitarians. With rare exceptions, the crises that were ignored a decade ago are still being ignored today. In DR Congo, the Ebola outbreak now spreading across eastern parts of the country — declared a public health emergency of international concern by WHO in May 2026 — is unfolding in communities already devastated by years of displacement and humanitarian neglect.
“Behind every statistic in eastern DR Congo are families who have endured years of violence, repeated displacement, and deep uncertainty about their future,” said Eric Batonon, NRC’s country director in the Democratic Republic of Congo. “While attention shifts from one global emergency to another, millions of Congolese continue to live without adequate protection, assistance, or hope. The fact that DR Congo remains among the world’s most neglected crises for the tenth consecutive year should serve as a wake-up call to the international community.”
What NRC is calling for
The gap between needs and available humanitarian funding is increasing as a result of brutal humanitarian funding cuts. This is affecting the neglected crises particularly hard, as these crises are already characterised by less available funding per person in need.
NRC urges donor governments to fund crises based on humanitarian need and scale of displacement, not geopolitical interest. It calls on political leaders and diplomats to engage seriously with the root causes of protracted displacement, many of which persist precisely because they are seen as having little geopolitical importance. It also calls on media organisations to report on these crises with the consistency and depth they demand as ongoing emergencies.
“The crises ignored today will demand a larger, costlier and more complex response tomorrow,” said Egeland. “The world does not lack for skills nor resources. Be it arranging football World Cups, or pioneering space exploration: our ability to organise and overcome challenges is almost without limit. We can and must finally take the decision to end the neglect that has caused such deep suffering for millions of people”.
Features
Ebola: Border closures alone risk driving movement underground and increasing transmission risks
The International Organization for Migration (IOM) has urged governments and partners to strengthen urgently cross-border coordination to contain the ongoing Bundibugyo virus disease (Ebola) outbreak, warning that border closures alone risk driving movement underground and increasing transmission risks.
Latest World Health Organization (WHO) figures show 116 suspected cases, 321 confirmed cases, 48 deaths, and six recovered cases in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). In Uganda, there have been nine confirmed cases, and one death to date.
“Viruses do not stop at borders, and neither should our response,” said Ugochi Daniels, IOM Deputy Director General for Operations. “When borders close, people often continue moving through informal routes where health screening and surveillance are limited. The most effective response is coordinated action that keeps mobility visible, safe and monitored.”
IOM warns that reactive border closures can reduce visibility of population movements, undermining health screening, surveillance, contact tracing and early detection efforts. Evidence from previous health emergencies shows that movement restrictions do not stop mobility but often redirect it towards informal and less-monitored routes.
This is the 17th Ebola outbreak recorded in the DRC and the third largest on record, highlighting both the recurring nature of the disease and the importance of sustained preparedness.
The outbreak is unfolding in one of the world’s most complex humanitarian contexts. Eastern DRC is already affected by conflict and large-scale displacement. As of March 2026, 3.6 million people have been internally displaced in the country, including nearly 922,000 displaced in Ituri Province alone, where the outbreak is centred.
The confirmation of cross-border transmission between DRC and Uganda further highlights the urgency of coordinated regional action, particularly in areas where daily cross-border movement is essential for trade, livelihoods and access to basic services.
Data from IOM’s Flow Monitoring Registry at key formal and informal crossing points—including Cyanika, Busunga, Bunagana, Mpondwe, Goli, Vurra, Busanza and Ntoroko—shows that cross-border mobility continues despite restrictions, including through informal routes, reinforcing the need for data-driven and coordinated response measures.
People living in displacement sites, border communities and conflict-affected areas face heightened vulnerability due to limited access to healthcare, clean water and other essential services, increasing the risk of undetected transmission.
IOM is supporting governments and partners in DRC, Uganda and neighbouring countries by strengthening border health operations, population mobility mapping, disease surveillance, risk communication and community engagement in high-mobility areas.
Understanding where, why and how people move remains critical to preventing further spread. Public health measures must be informed by mobility patterns and coordinated across borders to ensure effective containment while avoiding unintended consequences that push movement out of sight.
Significant funding gaps continue to constrain the scale and speed of response efforts, including preparedness activities across the region.
IOM welcomes the swift financial contribution from the United States, which is helping to strengthen frontline response efforts and save lives. Close coordination with the African Union, Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention, WHO and United Nations partners remains essential to containing the outbreak.
While Ebola is a preventable and containable disease, additional resources are urgently needed to sustain surveillance systems, maintain border health operations, strengthen community-based prevention efforts and expand support in displacement settings.
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