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Emily O’Reilly speaks on Adriana shipwreck at the European Parliament’s LIBE Committee
Find below Emily O’Reilly’s speech on
Adriana shipwreck at the European Parliament’s LIBE Committee
When 600 people die on a summer’s night in the Mediterranean, their journey known of or witnessed for many hours and at various times by an EU agency, by two member states authorities, by civil society and by private ships and boats, a journey and a drowning, effectively in plain sight, there is one obvious question to answer ‘How did this happen’?
A second question is, how do we assess or assume our collective responsibility?
Those outside of our direct control who profit from human misery and desperation bear their own responsibility. But what happens when vulnerable people come within our European zone of control and we have choices to make?
European values are frequently invoked by policy makers as they express their support for fundamental rights.
Precisely how the most fundamental of human rights, the right to life, survives contact with those whose responsibility it is to manage our borders is the subject of an ongoing inquiry by my office and which will be published within the next ten days. I do not wish to anticipate the findings of that inquiry at this point so my remarks will concern the broader context.
In the aftermath of the Adriana shipwreck, I noted the official response.
Genuine sympathy and concern were expressed but the question of “how did this happen?”, while asked, was not immediately or, to date, answered.
A tragedy of this scale would normally demand an independent, forensic, public inquiry but it soon became clear that such an inquiry would not or could not happen.
I have no role vis a vis the member states, but I decided to open an inquiry into the actions of an EU agency that is under my mandate, to examine specifically how Frontex complies with its fundamental rights obligations, not only in this incident where it was present at certain points, but more generally in its participation in search and rescue operations in the Mediterranean.
This inquiry is being conducted at the same time as an investigation by Greek Ombudsman Pottakis into the actions of the Greek authorities in the Adriana tragedy. We hope that these investigations may jointly bring a significant amount of clarity into what happened last June and may even provide a model for future investigations in the absence of a single accountability mechanism.
Frontex does not have primary responsibility for search and rescue operations. That lies with member state authorities, but I felt it important nonetheless to outline the role of an agency acting in the name of EU citizens.
The EU’s border security architecture makes accountability gaps inevitable but policy choices also impact.
Frontex does not operate in a vacuum, and understanding the system in which it is embedded is vital to the ‘how did this happen?’ question.
In 2014, Mare Nostrum, the EU-funded proactive search and rescue operation led by the Italian authorities was ended.
The EU’s Fundamental Rights Agency has documented multiple instances of multiple member states either threatening to, or actually prosecuting, NGOs involved in similar proactive rescue operations. This must put a question mark over the real, as opposed to the rhetorical, priority of saving lives.
Proactive rescue is seen as a ‘pull’ factor for migrants. The tension therefore between the duty to save lives and the duty to discourage crossings challenges Frontex in balancing its border protection role with its duty to uphold the right to life.
The agency is now called a ‘coast guard’, but its mandate and mission falls short of that. It is a surveillance but not a rescue tool and is further constrained by the fact that it is Member State authorities who have the sole legal right to direct and coordinate search and rescue missions.
Frontex does have choices to make vis a vis how it reacts to maritime emergencies it detects through its surveillance, notably how it communicates to national authorities and takes decisions on issuing emergency signals. But its dependence on the good faith of member states is critical to its ability to comply with its fundamental rights obligations and, by extension, the EU’s ability to do so.
But what happens if Frontex doubts a Member State’s good faith? What if the orders it is compelled to follow are questionable?
And Frontex does have grounds to doubt whether some Member States comply with their fundamental rights obligations. The EU Anti-Fraud Office has found that Frontex surveillance assets have been deliberately diverted in order to avoid the witnessing of ‘pushbacks’. This – alongside other incidents – poses serious questions for Frontex’s relationship with national authorities and of its own understanding of its fundamental rights obligations in such circumstances.
If Frontex has a duty to save lives yet the legal and other tools it needs to do so are lacking, or the good faith of member states called at times into question, then that must necessarily be a matter of concern for EU legislators.
I have inquired into Frontex many times and this scrutiny will continue and expand, not only for Frontex, but for many EU institutions as the EU increasingly assumes the role of a hands-on executive body on everything from the processing of asylum claims and the procurement of vaccines to the delivery of armaments – all issues that have a substantial impact on individuals’ fundamental rights.
Saving lives is now a core concern of the EU and its agencies. A broad and sustained reflection on how to deal with that responsibility is necessary. I welcome LIBE’s role in this regard and hope my own inquiry’s conclusions will also contribute to this vital and urgent public debate.
Nigerian has the highest number of West African migrants set to be repatriated from the US.
The United States Department of Homeland Security (DHS) confirmed the removal of 110 Nigerians as part of a wider crackdown that will see 355 nationals from the sub-region returned home.
The DHS yesterday published names and photographs of all 355 individuals listed for deportation under its “WOW” West Africa Operations Watch initiative, reports The Guardian.
Nigeria accounts for 110 of those listed, second only to Liberia with 94, and far ahead of Ghana’s 30 and Senegal’s 19.
The list also includes 15 Cameroonians, 14 Gambians, 14 Ivorians, 12 Mauritanians, 11 Cape Verdeans, nine Burkinabes, eight Nigeriens, six Guineans, six Togolese, five Malians, and 1 each from Benin and Guinea-Bissau.
As diaspora remittances now outpace both official development assistance and foreign direct investment combined, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) today published a new paper showing how stronger engagement with diaspora communities can enhance humanitarian response and support recovery efforts worldwide.
The paper highlights how diaspora communities mobilize resources rapidly, reach affected populations through trusted networks, and deliver locally informed, culturally attuned solutions, yet remain only partially integrated into formal humanitarian systems.
“Diaspora communities are some of the most agile and trusted partners in crisis response,” said Ugochi Daniels, IOM Deputy Director General for Operations. “This paper shows how we can move beyond spontaneous solidarity to real, structured partnerships that strengthen local responses before, during and after crises. By connecting diaspora communities with humanitarian efforts, IOM helps ensure support gets to people quickly, effectively and with trust.”
Drawing on case studies from Haiti, Lebanon, the Philippines, Somalia and Ukraine, the report documents concrete results: the Ukrainian diaspora raised USD 283 million in the first year of the conflict, while over 100 diaspora organizations mobilized within days of Haiti’s 2021 earthquake.
These examples reflect a broader trend: in 2024, diaspora remittances to low- and middle-income countries reached an estimated USD 700 billion, surpassing official development assistance and foreign direct investment combined.
The report shows how structured diaspora engagement has supported preparedness, enabled lifesaving response and accelerated recovery through early warning systems, safer shelter and health services, innovative financing mechanisms and community-led recovery efforts.
The paper also outlines practical priorities for donors and partners, including flexible funding mechanisms, digital coordination tools, strengthened data partnerships, and tailored capacity-building support. It contributes to IOM’s broader efforts and informs a forthcoming IOM Diaspora Strategy that positions diaspora engagement as a core pillar across the Organization’s work.
Leaders across West and Central Africa are calling for more funding to help communities deal with climate change as floods, droughts and environmental degradation force more people to leave their homes, reshaping migration patterns and displacement across the region.
“Climate change is already affecting where and how people live. The challenge now is moving fast enough to deliver practical solutions and funding to vulnerable communities,” said Sylvia Ekra, IOM Regional Director for West and Central Africa. “Our region has shown leadership by including migration in climate policies. Now we must ensure climate funding reaches the communities most affected, so migration is a safe and informed choice – not a last resort.”
At a regional conference in Lagos, Nigeria, on 12–13 May, governments and partners developed a roadmap outlining practical ways to protect livelihoods and help communities adapt to climate impacts.
Climate shocks are already altering where and how people live across West and Central Africa. Floods, droughts and storms are damaging homes, roads and essential services across the region. By the end of 2024, about 2 million people in West and Central Africa had been displaced by disasters – around one fifth of the global total.
Environmental damage, desertification, and rising sea levels are also increasing pressure on communities and cities. The World Bank estimates that by 2050, up to 32 million people in the region could be forced to move within their own countries because of climate change.
The conference also highlighted growing action across the region. Most countries that recently updated their national climate plans now include migration and displacement issues. Côte d’Ivoire and Mauritania also joined the Kampala Ministerial Declaration on Migration, Environment and Climate Change, bringing the number of supporting African countries to 33.
“Climate-related human mobility is no longer a peripheral issue; it is an adaptation and resilience priority that must be negotiated, planned and financed accordingly,” said Nana Dr. Antwi‑Boasiako Amoah, Chair of the African Group of Negotiators. “The next step is to match that policy progress with credible data and accessible finance; so governments and partners can invest in solutions that reduce risk, protect livelihoods and expand safe options for people on the frontlines.”
Participants called for stronger early warning systems, more support for local adaptation efforts and better access to climate funding for affected communities, as part of a series of recommendations ahead of major global climate negotiations, including the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and COP31, which will take place in Türkiye later this year.
The Lagos Conference was co-hosted by the Government of Nigeria with support from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark through the Climate Change and Migration Data (CCMD) Programme.
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