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France, Netherlands back child border detention
A report by Investigate Europe says a package of controversial migration laws set to be approved by the EU could allow the detention of child migrants at borders from birth and further slash protections for unaccompanied minors, thanks in part to secret lobbying by a group of member states led by France.
About Minor Migrants
Confidential documents obtained by Investigate Europe reveal how France and the Netherlands, along with Denmark, Malta, Czech Republic and others pressured negotiators to include stricter measures in the Migration and Asylum Pact. Campaigners and the United Nations said such policies could violate the UN convention on the rights of the child, signed by all EU countries.
The reforms, which have been fought over for years but could now be passed by April, would give states greater powers over migration cases and limit new arrivals. An agreement reached by the Council of the EU and European Parliament in December was hailed as “historic” by officials. Human rights groups, however, said it would cause a “surge in suffering” for those seeking to enter Europe.
The deal announced on 20 December came after months of behind closed door talks. The core of the debates took place in the Coreper, a committee of ambassadors from all EU countries who negotiate future laws. Minutes from these meetings obtained by Investigate Europe expose how a host of governments secretly worked to influence and harden the proposals.
At a 15 May 2023 meeting the French representative welcomed a decision to remove age limits on when authorities could detain arriving migrants. “France thanks the EU presidency for abolishing the exemption for minors under the age of 12 and their families.” The Netherlands, Denmark and Czech Republic were also early supporters of the French stance, according to Coreper minutes accessed from May until December 2023.
An 18 December meeting noted that at least 11 member states “continue to reject a general exemption of minors”. At a meeting a month earlier, Malta said excluding minors from the border procedure was “impracticable due to the susceptibility to abuse (claiming to be a minor) and is therefore viewed with great scepticism.” The Dutch position was similarly explicit: “Netherlands rejects blanket exemptions from the border procedure for minors and their family members”.
New EU migration laws could legally allow states to detain children at border facilities. Credit: Shutterstock
A majority of countries want stricter regulations to limit the number of migrants coming to Europe.
Germany, however, said removing the exemption was “not acceptable”. Portugal, Ireland and Luxembourg expressed similar concerns, with a representative for the latter saying: “The detention of children is completely out of the question”.
But in the proposal agreed in December those fears were ignored. The text, a copy of which has been obtained by Investigative Europe, will be presented to the EP Civil Liberties Committee on 14 February and finally voted on by MEPs in March or April. If approved, families with children of any age could be legally detained at border centres with adults for months while asylum claims are processed.
“This is the generalisation of the hotspot system,” said Federica Toscano from Save The Children Europe. Such holding facilities, used widely in Greece and Italy, have been condemned for overcrowding, inadequate services and crime. “This system, with the mixing of children and adults, has led to the worst violence against minors: rape, assault.”
A Luxembourg government spokesperson said that “in the interests of compromise” they ultimately supported the texts, adding: “We hope that the package as a whole can bring about the necessary improvements on the ground, with new rules that are respected by everyone”.
A spokesperson for the Swedish government, which also backed the amendment, said: “During the negotiations it became clear that it was rather a majority of members states that was in favour of removing this exemption.”
Portugal’s secretary of state for migration and asylum was pragmatic in her assessment. “This is not the migration pact we would like to have. It’s what’s possible,” said Isabel Almeida Rodrigues, hoping that changes may yet arrive. “We’ll see what happens from now on, a lot is still open. It’s good that it is.”
A spokesperson for the Dutch government said they supported the clause in part to help identify people who have little chance of being granted asylum. “NL has pleaded for the inclusion of this group, to prevent attempts to evade the procedure may result in migrants bringing their children on their journey to the EU.”
The governments of France, Denmark, Malta, Czech Republic and Germany did not respond to requests for comment by the time of publication.
The Moria ‘hotspot’ facility in Lesbos once housed thousands of adults and children arriving to Greece. The site burnt down in 2020.
Shutterstock
Children arriving alone at borders could also be adversely affected. Today, unaccompanied minors cannot be legally detained – although the practice is alarmingly common. Planned laws state that if they represent a “danger to national security” – a decision determined by individual states – unaccompanied children could be held at border facilities for up to three months.
France again was a driving force. “Exempting unaccompanied minors from border procedures represents a major risk for the protection of our borders”, its representative said at the 15 May Coreper meeting, adding that an exemption could embolden “the trafficking of minor migrants”. The numbers of unaccompanied minors coming to Europe is increasing. Around 25,000 arrived in 2021 and this had risen to 39,000 in 2022, according to Eurostat.
Moreover, if a child is suspected of providing “misleading information”, comes from a “safe country” or where the proportion of people granted asylum is 20 per cent or less their claim could now be accelerated by states. This could increase the chance they are swiftly returned to their country of origin.
For example, children from Tunisia, Turkey, Albania, India or Serbia, whose countries are considered safe. “One cannot generalise on asylum,” explained lawyer Gianfranco Schiavone from the Association for Juridical Studies on Immigration in Italy. “There can be a young Tunisian fleeing from violence or torture suffered in his own country, even if it is theoretically ‘safe’. Asylum must be analysed on a case-by-case basis.”
Children’s clothes hang on barbed wire fencing at the Moria refugee camp. Credit: Investigate Europe
The Moria settlement pictured months before it was destroyed in a fire, 2020. Credit: Investigate Europe
Toscano said that the amendments represent a “historic breach in the international protection afforded to children.”
“These provisions are a disaster,” said Damien Carême, a Green MEP and shadow rapporteur for one of the pact’s five regulations and involved in the final trilogue negotiations. “There’s total opacity, we were summoned at 11.40pm to negotiate, it was postponed to 1.30am, 3.30am, then at 6.30am we were handed the text on the table, without having a say in the matter.” Carême called the current text “inhumane” and said the lobbying was an effort to garner public support ahead of European elections in June.
A representative from Spain, which held the EU presidency until December, urged Coreper members in July to put their “dissatisfactions” aside, stressing the need for an agreement before the European elections. “We also had to finish before Hungary took over the EU presidency (July 2024). But at the same time, we were up against a wall, and every time we were told “No, there’s no room to negotiate,” a parliamentary source present at the meetings said.
On 15 December, the UN Special Rapporteur on Migration, Gehad Madi, wrote to the three presidents of the European institutions, Ursula von der Leyen, Roberta Metsola and Charles Michel. He told them that the pact was contrary to the UN convention on the rights of the child, which stipulates that a child is defined as “every human being below the age of 18 years”. And insists that the detention of children because of their migrant status is a violation of their rights.
European Parliament president Roberta Metsola at a 20 December press conference announcing the migration pact agreement.
European Union
A provision for biometric fingerprinting, from the age of six, has also been included. At present, the fingerprints of arriving migrants and asylum seekers can not be taken under the age of 14. Significantly, the proposed text would allow for the use of “coercion” against children who refuse to have their data taken.
“It is a vague concept,” Save The Children’s Toscano said. “There is no definition of this word in the text, but any form of coercion on minors in migration procedures is a violation of their rights, which all European states have an obligation to protect.”
The Netherlands said the measure would help keep track of “vulnerable young migrants and better prevent them from… becoming victim of human smuggling networks,” adding that any use of coercion would be a last resort and must respect “dignity and physical integrity”.
Investigate Europe was unable to obtain the Coreper minutes where biometric fingerprinting was discussed and so it is unclear which states also pushed in this direction.
A European Commission spokesperson said, “a proportionate degree of coercion” should only be used “as a last resort”. On the pact, the spokesperson said states must always consider the best interests of the child and respect international treaties. “Member States should take due account of the minor’s well-being and social development, including their background.”
“Any form of coercion on minors in migration procedures is a violation of their rights.”
— Federica Toscano, Save The Children
Another contentious point is the exclusion of siblings from the “family” framework, which now only covers parents and children. In concrete terms: if a child arrives in Europe, for example with an uncle, they will now not be able to join their brothers and sisters who are already EU residents. France, the Netherlands, Hungary, Denmark, Sweden and others backed this amendment, Coreper minutes show.
“Sweden is historically a country with large reception of migrants and asylum seekers. To include siblings would have tipped the balance even more,” a government spokesperson said.
“This was the most difficult battle,” said a parliamentary source who took part in the final negotiations. “We tried to include siblings in the text on several occasions, but the Council systematically withdrew them. They did so right up to the last day. In the end, however, they succeeded in getting unaccompanied minors included, who will be able to join their brothers and sisters, unlike those travelling with their families. It’s absurd.”
Civil society groups are also dismayed by the current proposals. French NGO Cimade, which defends the rights of refugees and migrants across Europe, summed up the unease. “Every time we think we’ve reached the bottom of inhumanity, but in fact we’ve sunk even lower.”
News
New rescue vessel Aurora 2: Sea-Watch’s response to political blockades of civilian sea rescue
Sea-Watch is putting a new rescue vessel into service: With the Aurora 2, the organization is responding to the repeated detentions of civilian rescue ships by the Italian authorities. Now, Sea-Watch will remain operational even when one of its ships is detained. While one ship is blocked in port, the other will be available to carry out rescue missions. The far-right government’s strategy of limiting rescue operations through arbitrary detentions has therefore failed.
Julia Winkler, spokesperson for the organization Sea-Watch:
“Italy is detaining rescue ships to stop people from being rescued. With the Aurora 2, we are making sure this strategy fails. If one of our vessels is detained, the other will be ready to save lives. By expanding our fleet, we are fighting back against the far-right Italian government’s efforts to obstruct civilian search and rescue at sea.”
In the Mediterranean, speed is a matter of life and death. Every distress case is a race against time. That is why Sea-Watch operates not only the large vessel Sea-Watch 5 but also a smaller, faster ship—the Aurora. The Aurora reaches top speeds of up to 25 knots, allowing it to quickly reach people in distress at sea. With the Aurora 2, the organization is now specifically expanding its operational capabilities.
The acquisition of the Aurora 2 is a direct response to the far-right Italian government’s policy of systematically detaining civilian rescue ships. Since 2023, the Meloni cabinet has detained civilian sea rescue ships in port more than forty times. As a result, the entire civilian fleet has lost more than 900 days of operational time. The Aurora has also been blocked five times already. Italian courts subsequently overturned the rulings on several occasions. However, by the time the respective court decisions were issued, the Aurora had lost a total of 113 days of operational time.
With the Aurora 2, Sea-Watch is specifically countering this strategy. If one of the ships is detained, the other can continue to set sail and rescue people in distress at sea. In this way, the organization ensures its independence from bureaucratic blockades and guarantees the continuation of its rescue operations.
The detentions of civil search and rescue vessels are politically motivated and cost lives. The Mediterranean is one of the deadliest borders in the world. More than 34,000 people have been reported dead or missing since 2014. The actual number is estimated to be significantly higher. With its new ship, the Aurora 2, Sea-Watch can continue to quickly rescue people from drowning — even if one of its ships is blocked by the far-right Italian government.
Sea-Watch is part of the Justice Fleet, an alliance whose members are committed to upholding human rights and international maritime law. Its members refuse to comply with instructions provided for in the so-called Piantedosi Decree that conflict with international law and human rights obligations and are primarily intended to hinder rescue operations. As a result, their vessels are regularly detained by the Italian authorities. In recent months, Italian courts have overturned detention orders imposed on several Justice Fleet vessels in summary proceedings. Rulings on the overall legality of the Decree are still pending.
News
Sea-Watch strongly criticises EU response following attack on Sea-Watch 5

In response to the attack on the Sea-Watch 5 on Monday, 11 May 2026, the European Commission stated at its press conference on Wednesday, 12 May 2026, that EU cooperation with Libyan actors “prevented further violence.” Sea-Watch condemns this portrayal as a grotesque distortion of reality. Without the political, financial, and operational support of the EU, the so-called Libyan coast guard would neither possess boats nor the necessary infrastructure to operate at sea.
Julia Winkler, spokesperson for Sea-Watch:
“The EU has been working closely with actors in Libya for years, who are accused of committing the most serious crimes against people on the move, equipping them and enabling their operations at sea. Against this background, claiming that this very cooperation prevents violence is an absurd distortion of reality and is nothing short of cynical.”
A Commission spokesperson responded to questions regarding the violent attack on the Sea-Watch 5 on Monday, 11 May 2026, stating that it cannot be determined how many further attacks may have been prevented precisely due to consistent engagement (from 4:39). After the crew had rescued people in distress in international waters, Libyan militias opened fire and threatened to forcibly return the ship and those on board to Libya.
The attackers identified themselves as so-called Libyan Coast Guard. During the attack, the vessel involved was accompanied by the Murzuq 662 – a Bigliani-class ship handed over by Italy in June 2023 to Libyan actors as part of the EU–Libya cooperation framework SIBMMIL. Later the same day, the Sea-Watch 5 was also followed by the Ras Jadir 648, another vessel transferred by Italy to Libyan actors in May 2017.
Despite mayday calls being issued, neither Germany nor Italy, nor the EU naval mission EUNAVFOR MED IRINI provided assistance at sea on the day of the attack. On the contrary, on the same day the EU emphasised its intentions to expand cooperation and funding for Libyan actors in eastern Libya. These groups have been documented for years as responsible for torture, sexual violence, and kidnappings of people on the move. Without European support, such structures would not be operational in their current form.
For years, Sea-Watch and international organisations, including the United Nations, have documented serious human rights violations by Libyan militias and coast guard units with which they are closely linked. The political and legal responsibility of European actors is subject to ongoing international legal scrutiny. In 2022, the European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights filed a criminal complaint against senior representatives of the EU and its Member States for alleged crimes against humanity in connection with the EU–Libya cooperation.
News
Court annuls 20-day administrative detention imposed on Ocean Viking
SOS MEDITERRANEE has welcomed the recent decision of the Court of Chieti in Italy, which fully annuls the 20-day administrative detention imposed on the Ocean Viking in November 2023, together with the related fine and all associated sanctioning measures.
On 15 November 2023, Italian authorities detained the Ocean Viking in Ortona for 20 days and imposed a financial penalty under Decree Law No. 1/2023, known as the “Piantedosi Decree”. The case relates to a rescue operation conducted on 11 November 2023 in the Libyan Search and Rescue Region, during which our rescue ship rescued 34 people from a boat in distress after repeated unsuccessful attempts to obtain effective coordination from the Libyan maritime authorities.
In its first instance decision, the Court clearly confirmed that the Ocean Viking’s rescue operation was lawful, and that the captain “was faced with the necessity to intervene without delay” to protect human life. It also underscored the absence of effective coordination by the Libyan authorities, recognizing that the Ocean Viking was “the only vessel to intervene” to fulfill the duty to rescue at sea.
The judgment also reaffirmed that international maritime obligations under the UNCLOS, SOLAS and SAR Conventions prevail when human lives are at risk, and that sanctions cannot be imposed where state coordination is absent or inadequate. The decision recalls the Italian Constitutional Court’s ruling n°101/2025, which confirmed that national laws on sea rescue must comply with international law. In other words, no national law can be in contrast with the duty of saving lives at sea.
“This ruling confirms what we have consistently stated since November 2023: the Ocean Viking acted in full compliance with international maritime law and in the clear fulfilment of its maritime obligations,” said Soazic Dupuy, Director of Operations at SOS MEDITERRANEE. “Humanitarian rescue organisations must never be penalised for doing what authorities fail to do: ensuring timely and effective rescue for people in distress.” she concludes.
2026 is already among the deadliest years of the last decade. People continue to go missing at sea while the Italian government doubles down on efforts to prevent Search and Rescue NGOs from operating. This week, the Senate began discussing a new migration package that includes Provisions aimed at preventing Search and Rescue NGOs from entering Italian waters, yet another attempt to obstruct lifesaving operations.
On Saturday 16th, the captain of the Sea-Watch 5 was accused of facilitating irregular migration after completing a rescue operation following which the Libyan Coast Guard opened fire.
Despite repeated court rulings confirming the legality of civil rescue operations, Search and Rescue NGOs continue to face legal and administrative harassment for saving lives at sea. People in distress cannot wait for justice while lifesaving assistance is obstructed for political purposes.
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