Features
EU bent on making African countries its border outposts
Abolish Frontex, a decentralized and autonomous network of groups, organisations and individuals has raised the alarm about EU’s intensified efforts at turning African countries into its border outposts.
In a long deeply researched post on its website, Abolish Frontex provided information about when EU started deploying Frontex to Africa, the implications and went on to call for support for its December 18, 2023, International Action Day with a focus on Frontex in Africa.
Abolish Frontex message titled Frontex in Africa is reproduced below.
Frontex in Africa
In 2006 Frontex deployed Hera, its first joint operation outside Europe, in an attempt to intercept migrants travelling by boat from Senegal to the Spanish Canary Islands. This made an already dangerous journey even more difficult and included the involvement in illegal pushbacks. Since then, the EU has intensified its efforts of turning African countries into EU border outposts and stopping migrants on the way to Europe before they even have a chance to claim asylum. In advance of the Abolish Frontex International Action Day on 18 December, this article provides an overview of Frontex’s activities on the African continent that are public knowledge.
What is the legal framework governing Frontex’s activities in Africa?
Operation Hera was the significant first step of Frontex’s expansion to the African continent and included maritime and aerial patrols in the territorial waters of Senegal, Mauritania, Cape Verde and Morocco. However, the operation’s scope was limited in that the agency was at that time not allowed to operate on land in the country itself or disembark the migrants it intercepted on its shores. But the tides have turned and new regulations that came in force in 2016 and 2019 now make this possible. For operations outside the EU (which can involve uniformed and armed Frontex personnel), Frontex can now conclude a so-called status agreement with the country concerned. These are formal international agreements concluded by the Council of the EU in cooperation with the European Commission and with the consent of the European Parliament, and after consulting the EU Fundamental Rights Agency and the European Data Protection Supervisor. Frontex already has such agreements with many countries in the Western Balkans, where it also started operations, and is currently negotiating agreements with two African countries, namely Senegal and Mauritania. However, the new Frontex executive director Hans Leijtens said in September that he is reluctant to launch such operations in Africa.
But even without status agreements Frontex is already undertaking various activities on the continent, including stationing liaison officers and launching networks aimed at collecting as much data as possible concerning potential migrants. The agency has also concluded various working arrangements with countries and EU missions, which are less formal than status agreements since they only require the EU commission’s approval. These working arrangements include information exchange, strengthening of the border security and control capacities of the third country, and return agreements, making deportations from the EU possible.
Where in Africa is Frontex active and what is it doing there?
Liaison Officers
Frontex currently has liaison officers stationed in Senegal (since 2019), with the EU Border Assistance Mission in Libya (EUBAM, since 2018), and with the EU naval military mission NAVFOR Med Sophia that patrols the Mediterranean sea off the coast of Libya. Liaison officers communicate with responsible national authorities, exchange data and intelligence, and, in the case of Senegal, coordinate deportations. As part of its working arrangement with EUBAM, Frontex has also trained the so-called Libyan Coastguard, a militia responsible for abducting people at sea and forcing them into inhuman detention centres.
Frontex also had a liaison officer stationed in Niger since 2017 that was however removed following the coup in July 2022. Similarly, a 2022 working arrangement with the EU Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) mission EUCAP Sahel Niger with the aim of preventing migration through the West African country is currently being reconsidered.
The AFIC and risk analysis cells
The Africa-Frontex Intelligence Community (AFIC) is an informal network open to all countries in Africa that was set up in 2010. A project to strengthen this network received €4 million EU taxpayer money between 2017-2023. Most recently it counted 30 member states that participated in workshops, trainings and conferences with the aim of increasing their cooperation and information sharing on border monitoring and control.
Eight countries in the AFIC have established so-called risk analysis cells. While the cells are run by the African states’ border management authorities, Frontex provides the participants with equipment and training and sets up integrated border management systems, which aim to make their national databases interoperable with EU databases. The idea is to give Frontex access to information about who is crossing a border and when, thus surveilling migrants long before they even get close to EU borders. As Verfassungsblog writes, this information makes it easier for Frontex to exert pre-emptive border control and to facilitate deportations. For example, a person pushed back to Libya who does not have identification papers might have had their fingerprints recorded by one of Frontex’s risk analysis cells before their departure, and could thus be deported from Libya to their country of origin. In 2022, Frontex announced the end of the project and the handover of equipment to border police analysts working for the risk analysis cells of the eight AFIC countries.
Other activities and future plans
Negotiations are currently ongoing for status agreements with Senegal and Mauritania, which would enable armed Frontex officers to perform executive tasks such as conducting border checks, preventing people from entering the countries if they do not have the right papers, and conducting deportations. Reportedly, the planned status agreement with Senegal is supposed to include legal immunity for Frontex officers from persecution for crimes they commit during their work. This is already a common feature of the status agreements with Balkan countries.
Apart from that, according to Verfassungsblog, ‘Frontex is furthermore planning working (not status) arrangements with other governments in North and East Africa. Libya is of particular interest; after such a contract, Frontex could also complete Libya’s long-planned connection to the surveillance network EUROSUR. With a working agreement, the border agency would be able to regularly pass on information from its aerial reconnaissance in the Mediterranean to the Libyan coast guard, even outside of measures to counter distress situations at sea.’ Frontex already has a working arrangement with Nigeria.
In recent years Frontex has also intensified its relations with Morocco, working for example on cooperation with its coast guard. Via the EU4BorderSecurity project, which ran from 2019 to 2021 with €4 million funding from the European Neighbourhood Instrument, Frontex worked on strengthening border security capacities in all countries in North Africa.
What are the consequences of Frontex’s activities in Africa and the externalisation of EU borders?
Frontex is already implicated in pushbacks and human rights abuses in the central Mediterranean Sea as well as the Aegean, with barely any hopes for victims of these violations to ever hold the agency accountable. Operations so far from the EU will make this problem even worse. The externalisation of EU borders to African countries has already led to preventable deaths and immense suffering. In Libya, Frontex has passed on information and geolocations of migrants to militias that force them into detention centres notorious for severe human rights violations including slavery and sexual abuse. In Northern Niger, the EU helped draft a law that illegalised migration in a region where people have always (legally) migrated for work, leading to the deaths of thousands of people in the desert and destroying the traditional transport economy. In Tunisia, the EU wants to pay a racist autocrat to crack down on migration, which means deporting people to the desert where they die from heat and thirst. While Israel is bombing Gaza, the EU’s biggest worry is not how to protect Palestinians from genocide and war crimes, but how to keep them away from EU borders in the unlikely case they manage to escape their open-air prison. For that purpose, the EU now seeks to replicate its Tunisia deal with Egypt.
While migration is a solution, not a problem, Frontex portrays people on the move as a security threat, for example by conflating migration with human trafficking and crime. The cooperation with EU Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) missions, both military and civilian, further blurs this line and contributes to the securitisation and militarisation of what should primarily be a humanitarian policy field. By operating in countries that are not even bordering the EU, it also conflates internal and external security. Frontex also uses this securitisation narrative as a reason for not providing information to the public, which leads to a lack of transparency about its activities in Africa and a lack of opportunity for affected people to protest against them. Frontex blocks access to documents for people without EU citizenship, which are the very people most affected by Frontex’s expansionist activities.
Andrei Popoviciu raises another issue: ‘[…] now the EU hopes to extend Frontex’s reach far beyond its territory, into sovereign African nations Europe once colonized, with no oversight mechanisms to safeguard against abuse.’ Indeed, by using development money as a reward for border fortification, the EU is applying a carrot-and-stick approach that reeks of neocolonialism. Its focus on hard borders has already disrupted mobility in regions were free movement used to be legal and necessary for regular economic activity, such as the ECOWAS region that allows people to move from one West African country to another without needing to obtaining visas. To understand how outrageous this approach is, imagine West African leaders pushing for Germany and France to reintroduce border controls between the two countries and sending money, equipment and liaison officers to supervise this process.
Finally the EU’s obsession with stopping migration far from its borders does not address the root causes of why people have to leave their homes in the first place. Instead, under EU pressure, and with money and equipment donated by the EU and its member states, African countries reinforce and militarise borders that were once drawn by colonial powers eager to extract the continent’s riches. The ruthless exploitation of natural resources and human labour continues to today and is one of the actual causes that forces people to flee their homes in the first place. Others are the Western support of authoritarian regimes, arms exports, unfair trade agreements and debt burdens, and the consequences of climate change: Man-made crises that could be tackled if only the political will existed.
How to take action?
On 18 December 2023, Abolish Frontex will hold its next International Action Day with a focus on Frontex in Africa.
Features
Rights group reports rise in abuses, hate speech against migrants in Libya
A Libyan human rights organization has raised alarm over what it describes as a sharp increase in violations against migrants, refugees, asylum seekers, and foreign workers across Libya since the beginning of June 2026.
In a statement released this week, Libya Crimes Watch (LCW) said it has documented widespread arrests, raids on migrant residences, forced evictions, and physical and verbal assaults in both eastern and western parts of the country. The group also reported a surge in hate speech and incitement to violence targeting migrant communities.
According to LCW, its field teams have monitored large-scale arrest campaigns in several cities, including Tripoli, Benghazi, Ajdabiya, and Al-Bayda. Those detained reportedly include women and children. The organization said it has also documented incidents in which migrants were forcibly removed from their homes and subjected to abuse, including individuals with existing health conditions.
LCW alleged that the operations are being carried out by security agencies and armed groups affiliated with authorities in both eastern and western Libya. The group named the Libyan Arab Armed Forces (LAAF), the Directorate for Combatting Illegal Migration (DCIM), and the General Directorate of Security Operations (GDSO), among others, as entities involved in the campaigns.
The organization further expressed concern over what it described as the involvement of civilians in some raids and assaults. It also cited widespread anti-migrant rhetoric on social media and in local media outlets, including platforms it said are aligned with authorities and official institutions. According to LCW, such messaging has contributed to increased hostility toward migrants and encouraged participation in actions targeting them.
One Sudanese migrant, identified by the pseudonym “Inas” for security reasons, recounted an alleged attack on her family. She told LCW that armed men entered their home, assaulted family members, used racist language, and forced them from the property before stealing their belongings.
“We are now on the street with nowhere to go,” she said, according to the statement. “We have a sick family member who needs care, and we have found no organization to help or protect us.”
LCW said Libyan authorities in both the east and west bear legal responsibility for protecting migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers and ensuring respect for their rights under international human rights law. The organization called for an immediate end to abuses, protection against violence and forced evictions, and a halt to deportations or forced returns that could expose individuals to persecution or other harm.
The group also urged the Office of the Libyan Attorney General to stop detaining people solely on the basis of their migration or asylum status and to investigate all reported violations. LCW called for those responsible for abuses, including individuals who ordered, participated in, or facilitated them, to be held accountable through fair and independent legal proceedings.
In addition, the organization appealed to international bodies, including the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL), the International Organization for Migration (IOM), and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), to take urgent measures to protect migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers at risk in Libya.
The allegations have not been independently verified, and Libyan authorities had not publicly responded to the claims at the time of the statement’s release.
Features
Neglect deepens as DRC appears on NRC’s list of top neglected displacement for 10 years
The Democratic Republic of Congo has appeared on the Norwegian Refugee Council’s (NRC) annual list of top neglected displacement crises, for the tenth year running, and the neglect is deepening.
“This is a testament to the world’s failure to respond to crises that are not regarded as strategically important for rich countries,” said NRC’s Secretary General Jan Egeland. “Millions of people are being abandoned because we have chosen not to act, not because we cannot. The uncomfortable truth is that this neglect is a choice, and something we can choose to end.”
In 2025, just 27.4 per cent of the funding required to respond to the crisis in DR Congo was provided, the lowest rate in 10 years, leaving over 21 million people in need with no or drastically reduced assistance. A decade ago, the international community was providing 55 US dollars per person in need in DR Congo. Today that figure has collapsed to under 33 US dollars.
Countries such as Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Mali and Nigeria have all featured on the list six or more times, pointing to a systemic pattern of deliberate neglect rather than isolated failure.
“Donor governments have been presented with evidence of neglect, year after year. Yet those in power still choose to prioritise military and strategic investments and underfund, deprioritise and sideline the victims of these crises. It is a failure of our humanity,” said Egeland.
The report is the tenth edition of NRC’s Neglected Displacement Crises Report, tracking how responses continue to fall short of the scale of suffering.
Sudan tops the list
The 10 most neglected crises for 2025 are Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Colombia, Yemen, Afghanistan, Honduras, Ecuador, Cameroon, Nigeria and Mozambique, spanning three continents and tens of millions of people the world continues to ignore.
The Neglected Displacement Crises Report assesses each crisis across four indicators: media coverage, funding, political attention, and scale of displacement. A lower score indicates a larger gap between the scale of human suffering and the adequacy of international response.
Sudan tops this year’s list. More than 9 million people are internally displaced, and up to 4 million have fled to neighbouring countries. Nearly 19.5 million people inside Sudan are facing hunger, yet the international response remains wholly inadequate to that scale of suffering.
“It is incomprehensible that a displacement crisis of similar proportions to the crises in Syria and Ukraine at their peak can continue to worsen almost unnoticed,” Egeland said. “Just as needs in Sudan skyrocketed last year and famine kept spreading, the funding was cut. Many displaced people receive no international support and are left to beg for assistance from other displaced people who no longer have anything more to share.”
A decade of the same pattern
Since NRC began publishing this report 10 years ago, 27 crises across four continents have appeared on the list, and the pattern is unambiguous. The African continent features the most consistently. From the Sahel region to the Horn of Africa, from the Great Lakes to West Africa, many of these are cases of prolonged or repeated displacement. Across the board, neglect coincides with access restrictions for humanitarians. With rare exceptions, the crises that were ignored a decade ago are still being ignored today. In DR Congo, the Ebola outbreak now spreading across eastern parts of the country — declared a public health emergency of international concern by WHO in May 2026 — is unfolding in communities already devastated by years of displacement and humanitarian neglect.
“Behind every statistic in eastern DR Congo are families who have endured years of violence, repeated displacement, and deep uncertainty about their future,” said Eric Batonon, NRC’s country director in the Democratic Republic of Congo. “While attention shifts from one global emergency to another, millions of Congolese continue to live without adequate protection, assistance, or hope. The fact that DR Congo remains among the world’s most neglected crises for the tenth consecutive year should serve as a wake-up call to the international community.”
What NRC is calling for
The gap between needs and available humanitarian funding is increasing as a result of brutal humanitarian funding cuts. This is affecting the neglected crises particularly hard, as these crises are already characterised by less available funding per person in need.
NRC urges donor governments to fund crises based on humanitarian need and scale of displacement, not geopolitical interest. It calls on political leaders and diplomats to engage seriously with the root causes of protracted displacement, many of which persist precisely because they are seen as having little geopolitical importance. It also calls on media organisations to report on these crises with the consistency and depth they demand as ongoing emergencies.
“The crises ignored today will demand a larger, costlier and more complex response tomorrow,” said Egeland. “The world does not lack for skills nor resources. Be it arranging football World Cups, or pioneering space exploration: our ability to organise and overcome challenges is almost without limit. We can and must finally take the decision to end the neglect that has caused such deep suffering for millions of people”.
Features
Ebola: Border closures alone risk driving movement underground and increasing transmission risks
The International Organization for Migration (IOM) has urged governments and partners to strengthen urgently cross-border coordination to contain the ongoing Bundibugyo virus disease (Ebola) outbreak, warning that border closures alone risk driving movement underground and increasing transmission risks.
Latest World Health Organization (WHO) figures show 116 suspected cases, 321 confirmed cases, 48 deaths, and six recovered cases in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). In Uganda, there have been nine confirmed cases, and one death to date.
“Viruses do not stop at borders, and neither should our response,” said Ugochi Daniels, IOM Deputy Director General for Operations. “When borders close, people often continue moving through informal routes where health screening and surveillance are limited. The most effective response is coordinated action that keeps mobility visible, safe and monitored.”
IOM warns that reactive border closures can reduce visibility of population movements, undermining health screening, surveillance, contact tracing and early detection efforts. Evidence from previous health emergencies shows that movement restrictions do not stop mobility but often redirect it towards informal and less-monitored routes.
This is the 17th Ebola outbreak recorded in the DRC and the third largest on record, highlighting both the recurring nature of the disease and the importance of sustained preparedness.
The outbreak is unfolding in one of the world’s most complex humanitarian contexts. Eastern DRC is already affected by conflict and large-scale displacement. As of March 2026, 3.6 million people have been internally displaced in the country, including nearly 922,000 displaced in Ituri Province alone, where the outbreak is centred.
The confirmation of cross-border transmission between DRC and Uganda further highlights the urgency of coordinated regional action, particularly in areas where daily cross-border movement is essential for trade, livelihoods and access to basic services.
Data from IOM’s Flow Monitoring Registry at key formal and informal crossing points—including Cyanika, Busunga, Bunagana, Mpondwe, Goli, Vurra, Busanza and Ntoroko—shows that cross-border mobility continues despite restrictions, including through informal routes, reinforcing the need for data-driven and coordinated response measures.
People living in displacement sites, border communities and conflict-affected areas face heightened vulnerability due to limited access to healthcare, clean water and other essential services, increasing the risk of undetected transmission.
IOM is supporting governments and partners in DRC, Uganda and neighbouring countries by strengthening border health operations, population mobility mapping, disease surveillance, risk communication and community engagement in high-mobility areas.
Understanding where, why and how people move remains critical to preventing further spread. Public health measures must be informed by mobility patterns and coordinated across borders to ensure effective containment while avoiding unintended consequences that push movement out of sight.
Significant funding gaps continue to constrain the scale and speed of response efforts, including preparedness activities across the region.
IOM welcomes the swift financial contribution from the United States, which is helping to strengthen frontline response efforts and save lives. Close coordination with the African Union, Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention, WHO and United Nations partners remains essential to containing the outbreak.
While Ebola is a preventable and containable disease, additional resources are urgently needed to sustain surveillance systems, maintain border health operations, strengthen community-based prevention efforts and expand support in displacement settings.
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