News
Ninety five NGOs ask EU to uphold right to asylum in Europe
ActionAid International, SOS Humanity International,
Adopt a Revolution,
AMERA International,
Amnesty International, and 90 other Non-Governmental Organizations have asked the EU to uphold the right to asylum in Europe.
This was contained in a joint statement signed by the 95 NGOs.
The statement reads:
To ensure that refugees can access protection, states must guarantee the right to seek and enjoy asylum and uphold their commitments to the international refugee protection system. This obligation applies to all EU Member States under Article 18 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. Yet, the recent and increasing attempts by the EU and its Member States to evade their asylum responsibilities by outsourcing asylum processing and refugee protection risk undermining the international protection system. The undersigned human rights and humanitarian organisations are alarmed by these developments and urge the EU and its Member States to safeguard the right to territorial asylum in Europe.
Discussions on the externalisation of asylum are not new, and have been consistently criticised, contested and rejected over the years. The European Commission itself ruled out the legal feasibility of such models in 2018, describing them as “neither desirable nor feasible”. Global protection needs are higher than ever and low and middle income countries are hosting 75% of the world’s refugees. Despite this, there has been a recent upsurge in proposals to shift the processing of asylum applications, or indeed the responsibility for providing refugee protection, to non-EU countries.
Italy, for instance, is currently seeking to process asylum applications of certain groups of asylum seekers outside of its territory, from detention in Albania – which risks leading to prolonged, automatic detention, a denial of access to fair asylum procedures with necessary procedural guarantees, and delayed disembarkation for people rescued or intercepted at sea. Others, such as Denmark and Germany, are assessing the feasibility of this type of arrangement. 15 EU Member States and some political groups have endorsed similar shortsighted measures to shift asylum processing outside EU territory and encouraged the European Commission to explore ways to facilitate this through further legislative reform, including through a watered down ‘safe third country’ concept.
These attempts must be seen in the context of parallel containment efforts that seek to stem departures and prevent the arrival of asylum seekers to EU territory through partnership agreements with third countries, with little to no attention to the human rights records of those authorities. Over the past years, the European Commission has continued bypassing public or parliamentary scrutiny and EU legislative frameworks as it concludes ever more controversial and untransparent deals with non-EU countries, throwing at them large sums of money with no genuine human rights safeguards or monitoring mechanisms, with the aim to contain and deter migration and onwards movement of refugees toward the EU at seemingly any human cost.
Human costs of externalisation
Attempts to outsource asylum to third countries are a manifestation of states’ flagrant shirking of their legal responsibility for people in need of protection. Outsourcing asylum processing and protection to third countries who cannot provide effective protection or are already disproportionately hosting refugees, is inconsistent with the objective and spirit of the Refugee Convention. It also obfuscates jurisdiction and responsibility, making it more difficult for people to access justice when their rights are violated. Where extraterritorial asylum processing has been tested, it has caused immeasurable human suffering and rights violations.
Most notably, Australia’s offshore detention scheme demonstrates how these models have created prolonged confinement and restricted freedom of movement, deeply harming both the mental and physical health of people seeking protection. Persistent human rights abuses arise as a result, including the imposition of conditions amounting to inhumane and degrading treatment, neglect, a lack of access to legal aid, lack of identification of and support for specific needs, and family separation. This should have served as a warning. But more recent attempts – such as the UK-Rwanda asylum scheme, which is not yet in effect following the UK Supreme Court declaring it unlawful and in any event is unlikely to be operationalised at any significant scale – have already led to people being placed in detention and in a damaging legal limbo under threat of removal. Sending asylum seekers to Rwanda and other third countries breaches arrival countries’ obligations under international refugee norms, and undermines their commitment to the rule of law.
The EU and Member States’ false promises of ensuring compliance with fundamental rights in the context of externalisation arrangements are no more than empty words. As the extensive track record of human rights violations in partner countries such as Libya demonstrates, the EU and Member States have no adequate tools and competencies to effectively monitor or enforce human rights standards outside of EU territory.
Beyond the dire human cost, these arrangements also have a ruinous impact on the administration and cost of asylum systems, with the UK’s attempts to forcibly remove people to Rwanda being projected to cost a staggering £1.8 million per asylum seeker returned. This is not only an unjustifiable waste of public money, but also a lost opportunity to spend it in ways that would truly aid people seeking asylum by investing in fair and humane asylum systems and the communities that welcome them.
Ripple effects of evading responsibility
The political feasibility of externalisation arrangements has also been heavily contested, given third countries’ reluctance to take on responsibility for asylum seekers or refugees that Europe refuses to welcome. The outsourcing of asylum processing and refugee protection sends a dangerous signal to countries in the global South on EU countries’ refusal to uphold their responsibilities towards refugees and do their fair share. Far from showing international solidarity, the EU is attempting to further push its responsibilities onto countries who already host the majority of refugees with often far fewer resources – a policy that is not necessarily conducive to building global influence, the European Commission’s stated aim. Simultaneously, the bloc is reducing the non-migration-related support it offers partner countries, by redirecting already scarce aid to efforts to prevent migration, and spending large shares of development aid on domestic programmes. Almost 17% of EU Development Assistance Committee (DAC) members’ Official Development Assistance (ODA) is allocated to in-donor refugee costs, meaning it never leaves their territories. Trade or visa relations have also become bargaining chips in controversial deals with non-EU countries to press them to fulfil the EU’s domestic migration objectives.
This lack of commitment to responsibility sharing, international treaties and the global refugee protection system is not lost on partner countries, and risks undermining their willingness to provide protection: why would other major refugee hosting countries be incentivised to take on the EU’s responsibility for refugee protection, when the EU itself refuses to uphold the right to seek asylum on its territory? The potential ripple effect could be devastating for refugee protection globally.
Civil society organisations have been clear about their serious concerns with regards to the recently agreed reforms under the Pact on Migration and Asylum. Nonetheless, the transfer of asylum seekers outside of EU territory for asylum processing and refugee protection is not provided for in the Pact, nor within current EU law. After the EU and Member States have spent close to a decade attempting to reform the EU’s asylum system, they should now focus on implementing it with a human rights centred approach that prioritises the right to asylum per EU law and fundamental principles of international refugee law to which they remain bound. They should not, mere weeks after the reform has passed, waste further time and resources on proposals that are incompatible with European and international law.
Signatories
11.11.11
ActionAid International
Adopt a Revolution
AGDDS
AMERA International
Amnesty International
APDHA – Asociación Pro Derechos Humanos de Andalucía
ARCI (Associazione Ricreativa e Culturale Italiana)
Asociación de Mujeres migrantes y refugiadas Tierramatria
Asociación Elin
Asociación Rumiñahui
Bedsteforældre for Asyl
Brot fuer die Welt
Caleidoscopia
Caritas Europa
Casa do Brasil de Lisboa
CCFD-Terre Solidaire
CEAR
Centre for Peace Studies
Christian Council of Norway
Churches’ Commission for Migrants in Europe, CCME
Ciré asbl
CNCD-11.11.11
Commission on Migration of the European Baptist Federation
CONVIVE – Fundación Cepaim
CRLDHT
Danish Refugee Council
Danish United Nations Association / FN-forbundet
DIGNITY
Dutch Council for Refugees
Ellebæk Contact Network
EuroMed Rights
Europe Cares eV.
European Council on Refugees and Exiles (ECRE)
European Evangelical Alliance (EEA)
European Network on Statelessness
Federation of Protestant Churches in Italy (FCEI)
Finnish Refugee Advice Centre
Finnish Refugee Council
Foundation for the Promotion of Rights, Algeria
Fundación Alboan
Fundacja Inicjatywa Dom Otwarty
Fundacja Right to Protection
Geloof & Samenleving
Greek Council for Refugees (GCR)
HIAS Europe
Human Rights Legal Project
Human Rights Watch
I Have Rights
International Rescue Committee
Irídia-Center for the Defense of Human Rights
iuventa-crew
JRS Europe
Justice & Peace Netherlands
La Cimade
LeaveNoOneBehind
LGBT Asylum
Ligue des droits humains Belgique
Lysfest for Humanisme
Médecins du Monde International Network
Migration Consortium
Migration Policy Group
Mission Lifeline International.e.V.
Movimiento por la Paz, MPDL
Novact
Ocalenie Foundation
Oxfam
Platform for International Cooperation on Undocumented Migrants – PICUM
Polish Migration Forum
Polska Akcja Humanitarna
PRO ASYL
r42-SailAndRescue
RECOSOL – Rete delle Comunità Solidali
RED ACOGE
Refugees International
Refugee Legal Support (RLS)
Refugees Welcome
RESQSHIP e.V.
Salud por Derecho
Save the Children
Sea-Watch
Seebrücke
Servicio Jesuita a Migrantes España – SJM
Små Broer
SOLIDAR
Solidarity with Kærshovedgård
SOS Humanity
SOS Racism Denmark
Statewatch
Stowarzyszenie Egala / Egala Association
Svenska Kyrkan (Church of Sweden)
United Against Inhumanity
Vluchtelingenwerk Vlaanderen
Vores Asylbørn
Zusammenland gUG
News
New rescue vessel Aurora 2: Sea-Watch’s response to political blockades of civilian sea rescue
Sea-Watch is putting a new rescue vessel into service: With the Aurora 2, the organization is responding to the repeated detentions of civilian rescue ships by the Italian authorities. Now, Sea-Watch will remain operational even when one of its ships is detained. While one ship is blocked in port, the other will be available to carry out rescue missions. The far-right government’s strategy of limiting rescue operations through arbitrary detentions has therefore failed.
Julia Winkler, spokesperson for the organization Sea-Watch:
“Italy is detaining rescue ships to stop people from being rescued. With the Aurora 2, we are making sure this strategy fails. If one of our vessels is detained, the other will be ready to save lives. By expanding our fleet, we are fighting back against the far-right Italian government’s efforts to obstruct civilian search and rescue at sea.”
In the Mediterranean, speed is a matter of life and death. Every distress case is a race against time. That is why Sea-Watch operates not only the large vessel Sea-Watch 5 but also a smaller, faster ship—the Aurora. The Aurora reaches top speeds of up to 25 knots, allowing it to quickly reach people in distress at sea. With the Aurora 2, the organization is now specifically expanding its operational capabilities.
The acquisition of the Aurora 2 is a direct response to the far-right Italian government’s policy of systematically detaining civilian rescue ships. Since 2023, the Meloni cabinet has detained civilian sea rescue ships in port more than forty times. As a result, the entire civilian fleet has lost more than 900 days of operational time. The Aurora has also been blocked five times already. Italian courts subsequently overturned the rulings on several occasions. However, by the time the respective court decisions were issued, the Aurora had lost a total of 113 days of operational time.
With the Aurora 2, Sea-Watch is specifically countering this strategy. If one of the ships is detained, the other can continue to set sail and rescue people in distress at sea. In this way, the organization ensures its independence from bureaucratic blockades and guarantees the continuation of its rescue operations.
The detentions of civil search and rescue vessels are politically motivated and cost lives. The Mediterranean is one of the deadliest borders in the world. More than 34,000 people have been reported dead or missing since 2014. The actual number is estimated to be significantly higher. With its new ship, the Aurora 2, Sea-Watch can continue to quickly rescue people from drowning — even if one of its ships is blocked by the far-right Italian government.
Sea-Watch is part of the Justice Fleet, an alliance whose members are committed to upholding human rights and international maritime law. Its members refuse to comply with instructions provided for in the so-called Piantedosi Decree that conflict with international law and human rights obligations and are primarily intended to hinder rescue operations. As a result, their vessels are regularly detained by the Italian authorities. In recent months, Italian courts have overturned detention orders imposed on several Justice Fleet vessels in summary proceedings. Rulings on the overall legality of the Decree are still pending.
News
Sea-Watch strongly criticises EU response following attack on Sea-Watch 5

In response to the attack on the Sea-Watch 5 on Monday, 11 May 2026, the European Commission stated at its press conference on Wednesday, 12 May 2026, that EU cooperation with Libyan actors “prevented further violence.” Sea-Watch condemns this portrayal as a grotesque distortion of reality. Without the political, financial, and operational support of the EU, the so-called Libyan coast guard would neither possess boats nor the necessary infrastructure to operate at sea.
Julia Winkler, spokesperson for Sea-Watch:
“The EU has been working closely with actors in Libya for years, who are accused of committing the most serious crimes against people on the move, equipping them and enabling their operations at sea. Against this background, claiming that this very cooperation prevents violence is an absurd distortion of reality and is nothing short of cynical.”
A Commission spokesperson responded to questions regarding the violent attack on the Sea-Watch 5 on Monday, 11 May 2026, stating that it cannot be determined how many further attacks may have been prevented precisely due to consistent engagement (from 4:39). After the crew had rescued people in distress in international waters, Libyan militias opened fire and threatened to forcibly return the ship and those on board to Libya.
The attackers identified themselves as so-called Libyan Coast Guard. During the attack, the vessel involved was accompanied by the Murzuq 662 – a Bigliani-class ship handed over by Italy in June 2023 to Libyan actors as part of the EU–Libya cooperation framework SIBMMIL. Later the same day, the Sea-Watch 5 was also followed by the Ras Jadir 648, another vessel transferred by Italy to Libyan actors in May 2017.
Despite mayday calls being issued, neither Germany nor Italy, nor the EU naval mission EUNAVFOR MED IRINI provided assistance at sea on the day of the attack. On the contrary, on the same day the EU emphasised its intentions to expand cooperation and funding for Libyan actors in eastern Libya. These groups have been documented for years as responsible for torture, sexual violence, and kidnappings of people on the move. Without European support, such structures would not be operational in their current form.
For years, Sea-Watch and international organisations, including the United Nations, have documented serious human rights violations by Libyan militias and coast guard units with which they are closely linked. The political and legal responsibility of European actors is subject to ongoing international legal scrutiny. In 2022, the European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights filed a criminal complaint against senior representatives of the EU and its Member States for alleged crimes against humanity in connection with the EU–Libya cooperation.
News
Court annuls 20-day administrative detention imposed on Ocean Viking
SOS MEDITERRANEE has welcomed the recent decision of the Court of Chieti in Italy, which fully annuls the 20-day administrative detention imposed on the Ocean Viking in November 2023, together with the related fine and all associated sanctioning measures.
On 15 November 2023, Italian authorities detained the Ocean Viking in Ortona for 20 days and imposed a financial penalty under Decree Law No. 1/2023, known as the “Piantedosi Decree”. The case relates to a rescue operation conducted on 11 November 2023 in the Libyan Search and Rescue Region, during which our rescue ship rescued 34 people from a boat in distress after repeated unsuccessful attempts to obtain effective coordination from the Libyan maritime authorities.
In its first instance decision, the Court clearly confirmed that the Ocean Viking’s rescue operation was lawful, and that the captain “was faced with the necessity to intervene without delay” to protect human life. It also underscored the absence of effective coordination by the Libyan authorities, recognizing that the Ocean Viking was “the only vessel to intervene” to fulfill the duty to rescue at sea.
The judgment also reaffirmed that international maritime obligations under the UNCLOS, SOLAS and SAR Conventions prevail when human lives are at risk, and that sanctions cannot be imposed where state coordination is absent or inadequate. The decision recalls the Italian Constitutional Court’s ruling n°101/2025, which confirmed that national laws on sea rescue must comply with international law. In other words, no national law can be in contrast with the duty of saving lives at sea.
“This ruling confirms what we have consistently stated since November 2023: the Ocean Viking acted in full compliance with international maritime law and in the clear fulfilment of its maritime obligations,” said Soazic Dupuy, Director of Operations at SOS MEDITERRANEE. “Humanitarian rescue organisations must never be penalised for doing what authorities fail to do: ensuring timely and effective rescue for people in distress.” she concludes.
2026 is already among the deadliest years of the last decade. People continue to go missing at sea while the Italian government doubles down on efforts to prevent Search and Rescue NGOs from operating. This week, the Senate began discussing a new migration package that includes Provisions aimed at preventing Search and Rescue NGOs from entering Italian waters, yet another attempt to obstruct lifesaving operations.
On Saturday 16th, the captain of the Sea-Watch 5 was accused of facilitating irregular migration after completing a rescue operation following which the Libyan Coast Guard opened fire.
Despite repeated court rulings confirming the legality of civil rescue operations, Search and Rescue NGOs continue to face legal and administrative harassment for saving lives at sea. People in distress cannot wait for justice while lifesaving assistance is obstructed for political purposes.
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